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This bibliography is intended to embrace all fields relevant to Lollard studies. Swinderby’s links with early Wycliffism are elucidated and the relationship between Wycliffism and the Church is looked at in a new light.”] —. [Fudge examines the ideas rather than the history of the Hussite movement, arguing that it is the “First Reformation,” distinct from the movements begun by Wyclif or Luther, in order to “close the gap between a history of ideas and social history” (3).] —. [Observing that scholarship on Lollard texts – even from literary scholars – focuses almost exclusively on cultural and theological content rather than aesthetics, Gayk argues for more attention to the form of Lollard writings. “Ecclesiastics and Political Theory in Late Medieval England: The End of a Monopoly.” Dobson 23-44. “The Dissemination of Manuscripts Relating to English Political Thought in the Fourteenth Century.” . [From the publisher: “This book charts the emergence of women’s writing from the procedures of heresy trials and recovers a tradition of women’s trial narratives from the late Middle Ages to the seventeenth century. At the center of Wyclif’s theology there is always a Living Person.] —. She traces the story of the literature of complaint from the earliest written bills and their links with early complaint poems in English, French, and Latin, through writings associated with political crises of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, to the libels and petitionary pamphlets of Reformation England. His heresy was assumed to be not simply a dereliction of his duties towards his church, but a dereliction of the demands of his class” (56).] Schaff, D. [“The purpose of this brief note is to suggest that the influence of the English religious reformer Wycliffe might be discerned in the First Lithuanian Catechism. [According to Shagan, “This study of popular responses to the English Reformation analyzes how ordinary people received, interpreted, debated, and responded to religious change. [This is a preliminary study of the Acta of Jerome’s trial, which is “the only source for learning about the Reformist activities not only of this Wycliffite, but also of his radical circle in the years 1409-14” (324), of which there seem to exist separate collections. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper attempts a preliminary assessment of that judgment and argues that, pending further study, we have no reason to accept it.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.
Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.
Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen .
These have beefn bookmarked and reviewed for completeness. Spade’s, below) appears in an issue of Vivarium dedicated to medieval realism; other essays in the volume, aside from these two, specifically concern Scotus, Sharpe, and Holcot. In the , by contrast, Wyclif aligns “the idea theorica of the artes with a state of prelapsarian gracefulness and happiness, from which the methods and disciplines of contemporary academia are an inevitable decline” (257). First, the , in so far as they designate academic disciplines, are not longer thought of either as remedial of the fallen human condition, or as propaedeutic to an apprehension of divine truth. He explains that vernacular religious literature had continental influences and contends that, while it was often interested in liturgy and orthodox reform, it was still “imaginative and inventive.”] Gilpin, William. “London, British Library, Additional MS 37049 – A Spiritual Encyclopedia.” Barr and Hutchinson 99-116. The established religious culture of the north, of both the organized church and the lay spirituality, was grappling with the same issues that concerned Lollards, but came up with solutions which were perfectly in keeping with the orthodox church without falling into heresy. 244 (discussed by Hanna in “Two Lollard Codices”), Bodley 647 shows “access to a common Lollard copying centre or ‘library.” Hanna describes the history of the volume’s early use and interpretation, and concludes with an argument for its thematic coherence “devoted to a discussion of proper priesthood.” An appendix provides a full collation.] Hanna, William. According to Levy, “The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. Spencer includes editions of the documents relevant to his case.] —. [Spencer gives a history of Furnivall’s efforts to publish Wyclif’s Latin works, spurred by the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death in 1384.
Also see the list of Article Collections (to which essays on this list are now linked) and the Bibliography of Primary Sources. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper shows how Wyclif is able at the same time (i) to claim that whatever is is a proposition (‘pan-propositionalism’) and (ii) to develop a nontrivial theory of propositional truth and falsity. [Gray returns to this important Carthusian manuscript for a full discussion of the relationships among its images and lyrics, and its relevance to the “spiritual landscape of late medieval England” (116).] Green, Richard F. [Argues that the odd juxtaposition in Purvey’s Heresies and Errors (as recorded by Lavenham) of a discussion of the marriage of those linked in spiritual affinity (godparents) with the question of whether bastards can inherit the throne can be explained by the situation surrounding John of Gaunt’s marriage to Katherine Swynford and his ambitions for the Beauforts (his illegitimate children by Katherine) in 1396. In at least one notable case, the mid-fourteenth century reforms of Archbishop Thoresby, York identified the problems and found the solutions before Lollardy existed. advance an alternative orthodox position, one that identifies points of consensus, rather than disagreement, with lollard critiques. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism which divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. Special attention is given to collaboration with German-speaking editors, despite contemporary political tensions, and their contrasting editorial methods.] Spinka, Matthew. To a certain extent Wyclif ‘s explanations fit in with Aristotle’s understanding of language.
Since these bibliographies are meant to be complete listings of texts and studies relevant to Wycliffism, please let us know of any new references which should be included. The study has two parts: 1) Starting from Wyclif’s fivefold propositional typology—including a propositio realis (real proposition) and a sic esse sicut propositio significat (a fact)—we will analyse (a) the three different kinds of real predication, (b) the distinction between primary and secondary signification of propositions (the latter being an instantiation of the former) and (c) the status of logical truth as opposed to (but depending on) metaphysical truth. “John Ball’s Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature.” Hanawalt 176-200. This shows that Lollard influence on Gaunt, or at least on his extended household, lasted longer than has sometimes been supposed.] Green, Samuel Gosnell. Heresy was but one response to what were perceived as problems of the late Medieval spirituality; the church of York offered its own response to those problems. The article includes extensive discussion of the cross and its relation to affective devotion.] Harper-Bill, Christopher. In point of fact, however, Wyclif’s understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study.” The purpose of Levy’s essay, in which he considers earlier work by Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, “is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif’s soteriology in its many facets. of such doctrine from Wyclif’s Latin works to the vernacular records of fifteenth-century heresy trials, we may perhaps gain a little insight into how certain men and women, from East Anglia and Kent, sought to theorize the business of love and marriage in light of a version of Christianity which combined a strong predestinarian impulse with a strict puritanism in sexual matters” (190). Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using ‘substantial’ names, but also by using names derived from the substances’ accidental features. [Steiner concentrates on the so-called “Long” and “Short Charters of Christ.” She argues that “late medieval preachers and polemicists used documents, both fictive and real, to challenge orthodox notions of textual authority and to produce an oppositional rhetoric. Finally: included because they are the best, or even because they are right. “After Arundel: The Closing or the Opening of the English Mind? [Refuting the claim that Arundel’s Constitutions muted England’s intellectual culture in the fifteenth century, Catto argues that “there is abundant evidence of vitality on the part of the educated laity and their largely monastic suppliers of spiritual instruction.” He considers the shift away from speculative theology in light of a larger continental tradition and discusses Parisian influences on Lancastrian literature.] Catto, Jeremy, Pamela Gradon, and Anne Hudson. Furthermore, the notion of ens logicum (as intermediate between statements and facts) will be compared to Walter Burley’s propositio in re of which it appears to be a close analogon. “‘And my boonus had dried vp as critouns’: The History of the Translation of Psalm 101.4.” . The city of York was more proactive than reactive, preventing heresy from taking hold in the city or diocese by presenting an actively reforming church.”] Gregory, D. “The Preachers’s Reading of Early English Literature.” 35.2 (2000): 204-222. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Minnis considers Sir Lewis Clifford, William White, Wyclif (the ), Netter, and Pecock in his discussion.] —. The substances are the ultimate foundation of all these expressions. It would be a foolish student who referred to (for instance) Gairdner’s century-old study of “Lollardy and the Reformation” for accurate knowledge about the movement. La doctrine eucharistique de Jean Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 87-112. “The Hungarian-speaking Hussites of Moldavia and Two English Episodes in their History.” 4.1 (May 2006): 3-24. 2) The second part deals with two semantic and metaphysical implications of the ‘pan-propositionalism’: (a) the extended notion of being (ampliatio entis) called upon to explain the truth of so-called non-standard propositions (e.g. “From Sacred Mystery to Divine Deception: Robert Holkot, John Wyclif and the Transformation of Fourteenth-Century Eucharistic Discourse.” 29.2 (2005): 129-44. [“Credulity,” or “the gullibility of an unletters populace” about the “controlling rhetoric of the church,” is a recurrent them in Marsilio of Padua, William of Ockham, and John Wyclif. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. “Wyclif’s Eden: Sex, Death, and Dominion.” Bose and Hornbeck 59-78. This idea in itself is not opposed to a conceptualist account of language. These older studies are included here for those interested in the history of the study of Wycliffism, not for the study of Wycliffism itself. [According to the abstract, “The article considers the origin of the Hungarian-speaking Hussites in Moldavia and the factors that led to their growth, together with the nature of their beliefs. past, future, modal) and (b) the relation between contents of the divine mind as ‘arch-truth-makers’ and eternal as well as contingent truths.”] —. [This paper examines Wyclif’s critique of medieval Eucharistic theology in light of fourteenth-century debates about the possibility of and consequences of divine deception. “English Books In and Out of Court from Edward III to Henry VII.” . Cornelius Mayer, Willigis Eckermann, and Coelestin Patock. “In their attack on official discourse, on its tendency to conceal and confuse, these writers open up more generally the issue of language and authority. “Church, Society, and Politics in the Early Fifteenth Century as Viewed from the English Pulpit.” 72.4 (Fall, 2007): 59.71. Peter Partridge and MS Digby 98.” Barr and Hutchinson 41-65. What we should find is that Wyclif’s soteriology makes a good deal of room for human free will, albeit in cooperation with divine grace. [This essay analyzes De statu innocencie, a speculative treatise Wyclif wrote about the condition of humanity in Eden. John Buridan uses Aristotle’s principle of categorisation to show how language works, but for him the activity of categorising things is to be explained in terms of our mental activities only. Harrison Thomson on the Bibliography of Primary Sources under the Works of John Wyclif.] Steiner, Emily. Start instead with Hudson’s 1988 study of Thomas Netter as a Resource for Contemporary Theology.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 335-361. “Christ’s Humanity and Piers Plowman: Contexts and Political Implications.” Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2000. “The Sacrament of the Altar in Piers Plowman and the Late Medieval Church in England.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 63-80. We must not begin our reading of the poem with the assumption that to set aside the dominant, orthodox representation of the sacrament of the altar is to set aside sacramental theology and the sacrament of the alter–even if that is what orthodox polemic was not claiming” (65, 67).] —. The developments that led to their eventual demise are discussed. Language exists as a material reality because it is a form of social behavior” (1). “Intentionality and Truth-Making: Augustine’s Influence on Burley and Wyclif’s Propositional Semantics.” 45 (2007): 283-97. Throughout , Wyclif rejects the doctrine of transubstantiation because it seems to turn God into a liar. “The Lollards’ Threefold Biblical Agenda.” Bose and Hornbeck 211-226. “University College, Oxford, MS 97 and its Relationship to the Simeon Manuscript (British Library Add. At once constituting heterodoxy and masking it, their discussions of credulity urge a great public awareness of discourse and provide a rhetoric to that end.” Grudin concludes the article with a discussion of credulity in several Canterbury tales.] Gurevich, Aaron. [“This article discusses the difficulty in teaching and translating works by authors Margery Kempe and Julian of Norwich. “English Biblical Texts Before Lollardy and their Fate.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 141-53. [On Partridge’s “Notebook,” describing the contents of the manuscript and how it reveals his turn towards “favouring heretical, Lollard opinions” (44).] —. Furthermore, we will see that Wyclif most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all” (279-80). “John Wyclif: Christian Patience in a Time of War.” 66.2 (June 2005): 330-357. Minnis characterizes its subject matter as a typical subject of inquiry for scholastic theologians and often compares Wyclif’s views on bodily pleasure, death, and dominion to Aquinas’ writings.] Moessner, Lilo. Wyclif, on the other hand, reads much into the requirement that all our linguistic distinctions should have their basis in extramental reality: our conceptualisations not only pertain to individual substances, but also parallel their distinct ontic layers.”] Spufford, P. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. [Stanbury situates Chaucer’s representation of images within the Lollard image debate.] —. Katherine, Knighton’s Lollards, and the Breaking of Idols.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 131-50. How [Stanbury asks] was the drama of the image shaped by contemporary discourses about images as 46.1 (2015): 249-76. “Inventing Legality: Documentary Culture and Lollard Preaching.” . [“This chapter examines three episodes from the life of the Blessed Virgin which Thomas Netter uses to illustrate various points in his arguments with the Lollards” (335).] —. According to the abstract, “from his death in 1430 until the middle of the eighteenth century, Netter was a much-quoted and copied author whose exposition of Catholic teaching on subjects such as the Church, religious life, and the sacraments proved useful to many Counter-Reformation polemicists and apologists. [Aers is primarily concerned with Langland, but uses Lollardy at several points. “John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor.” 17 (2003): 55-72. The evidence that the prominent English Wycliffe and a leader of the Hussite movement in Bohemia, Peter Payne, stayed among them between 14 is also reviewed. “Material language practice” includes various choices writers make (about diction, genre, etc.), and Barr examines a variety of texts to show how later medieval writers deployed these practices to produce social commentary. “The Deafening Silence of Lollardy in the Digby Lyric.” Bose and Hornbeck 243-260. [“Walter Burley (1275-c.1344) and John Wyclif (1328-1384) follow two clearly stated doctrinal options: on the one hand, they are realists and, on the other, they defend a correspondence theory of truth that involves specific correlates for true propositions, in short: truth-makers. If God could separate accidents from their proper substances, make Christ’s body appear like mere bread, Wyclif doubts we could ever be sure of anything. [Based on comments in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Dove describes the Lollards’ biblical agenda as threefold: “to enable simple people to have the Bible (or access to it), to understand it, and to live in accordance with it.” This essay primarily discusses the issue of understanding scripture, comparing statements on literal and figurative interpretation in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible with other Middle English treatises on biblical translation, including The Holi Prophete Dauid.] Doyle, A. “Books Connected with the Vere Family and Barking Abbey.” n.s. “Heresy and Literacy: Evidence of the Thirteenth-century Exempla.” Biller and Hudson 104-111. “Richard Rolle’s English Psalter and the Making of a Lollard Tract.” 33 (2002): 294-309. The article suggests that modern readers are unfamiliar with mysticism and that college students would be better served to learn about both authors in a British literature survey course. “Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 647 and its Use, c.1410-2010.” In . [Wyclif was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. [Minnis finds insufficient influence of Nominalism (defined as modern critics have used the term) on Chaucer. [Considers two questions asked of Brut, “whether women are suitable ministers to confect the sacrament of the Eucharist,” and “whether women confect or can confect as true priests the sacrament of the Eucharist” (92). “Translation Strategies in Middle English: The Case of the Wycliffite Bible.” , arguing that they “serve as a call to conversion” (24). “Conciliarism and Heresy in England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 155-165. “The Comparative Mobility and Immobility of Lollard Descendants in Early Modern England.” Spufford 309-31. [Staley’s fascinating work on the relationship between history and literature in the later middle ages turns here to reading, as she says, “the ways in which late-fourteenth-century English writers used, analyzed, and altered the languages of power. [Stanbury begins with Knighton’s description of the 1382 Lollard burning of an statue of St. [Stavsky examines how Wyclif and Wycliffite writers explicated and employed the story of Susanna and the Elders, paying special attention to the politics of such writing, especially manifested in their images of community. This book is the first survey of the whole of the and it argues that there is more to Netter than anti-Lollard polemic. Aers argues that “we must be careful not to read with the prejudice that it must fit an ‘orthodoxy’ shaped by the Church’s war to eliminate Wycliffite inflections of Christianity. [The essay, a contribution to a special section on “Langland and Lollardy,” argues that, contrary to opinion of some scholars, Langland and Wyclif didn’t entirely agree on the subjects of evangelical poverty and attention to the contemporary poor. [Aers begins with orthodox accounts of the sacrament of the altar in order to think about the place of sanctification and signs in works by William Langland, John Wyclif, Walter Brut, and William Thorpe. The author concludes by exploring when the Hussites ceased to exist as a discrete cultural community in Moldavia.”] —. [Barr examines literary texts “as examples of socioliterary practice. [Barr examines the noteworthy absence of references to Lollardy in an early fifteenth-century series of lyric poems extant in Bodleian Library MS Digby 102. 92, a collection he compiled of work by John Tarteys, Robert Allington, William Milverly, Richard Lavenham, and a few anonymous tracts. Both characteristics are interdependent: such a conception of truth requires a certain kind of ontology. All natural knowledge, perhaps even all religious knowledge, would be lost. [Richard Rolle’s English Psalter was frequently copied and, by the early fifteenth century, was a source of religious controversy, as one writer complained that Lollard scribes had contaminated an otherwise orthodox text by introducing heretical glosses. Also evaluated is the benefit of studying Kempe alongside “The Wife of Bath’s Tale,” by Geoffrey Chaucer.”] Hall, L. ,’ Lollard Socio-textual Ideology, and Ricardian-Lancastrian Prose Translation.” Copeland 244-263. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. Langland’s consideration of Nominalism, especially concerning baptism and Trajan, is more ambiguous, though Minnis believes that Langland “avoided both Neopelagianism and Wycliffite predestinarianism by constructing a Trajan who is given full credit for his ‘truthe’ yet needs some help from a saint” (64). Minnis uses these to consider “the formulation of one issue which arose in the course of the debate: the proposed connection between two ways in which Christ’s body was made, through conception and through confection” (94). .’: Walter Brut in Debate on Women Priests.” Barr and Hutchinson 229-49. [The starting point for Minnis’s discussion is Donatism–whether a priest in sin can even so validly perform sacraments. There is no need for the saying of banns, the presence of a priest, or, indeed, for the expression of vows by the couple who are joining together in holy matrimony. She emphasizes that this is a work of spiritual instruction, in which Kempe’s oral learning is presented during the accusations. [This essay touches on Lollardy only briefly, but serves to place it within the larger range of sermon studies in the last quarter century. [To understand Gascoigne’s pessimism about reform, Russell asks whether “the English ever placed their hopes in the efficacy of the general council as a reforming body.” Focusing primarily on Netter’s . Moreover, I seek to understand the nuances and purposes of courtly address by reading literary works within the contexts of historical and explicitly political texts that sought to organize and define the events of the age and by using literary works to provide a context for those events we call ‘history.’ This book isolates and traces what is an actual search for a language of power during the reign of Richard II and scrutinizes the ways in which Chaucer and other writers participated in these attempts to articulate the concept of princely power” (ix). Katherine to argue for a materialist consideration of “the relationship between the image debate as it developed in later fourteenth-century England and the circulation or entailment of images as forms of property. The author examines the principal topics in Netter’s work—God, humanity, Christ, the Church, religious life, prayer, the sacraments—and he makes the case that there is a definite plan which links the various parts of the into a whole giving it a certain theological unity.”] Alford, John. Whereas Langland is more critically reflexive, Wyclif contradicts himself by endorsing the material interests of the secular elites.] —. Central to the book is Aers’s re-conceptualization of the notion of orthodoxy and its attendant term, heresy, terms which have come to define modern accounts of medieval sacramental theology, even where they are acknowledged to be imprecise descriptors of literary texts. Working from Slavoj Zizek’s claim that political identity is often founded on the fetishistic disavowal of a shared guilt, this work argues that the two parts of Henry IV, in their insistent metadramatic reminders of Oldcastle’s treason and execution, function to disturb the audience’s interpellation as subjects of Tudor-Protestant power.”] Bacher, John Rea. “‘Constantine From England and the Bohemians’: Hussitism, Orthodoxy, and the End of Byzantium.” . She argues that rather than directly condemn Lollards, as much contemporary Benedictine poetry did, these lyrics appropriated and adapted Lollard critiques to promote an orthodox agenda for church reform.] —.”‘This Holy Tyme’: Present Sense in the projects a unified, ethical kingdom that contrasts with “the divisions, factions, and unrest following the deposition of Richard II and the threats to the institutional church posed by the challenges of the Lollards.”] Barrows, C. “John Wycliffe.” , Sarah Beckwith explores the most lavish, long-lasting, and complex form of collective theatrical enterprise in English history: the York Corpus Christi plays. “Wyclif and Wycliffism at Oxford 1356-1430.” Catto and Evans 175-261. “Theology After Wycliffism.” Catto and Evans 263-280. “Fellows and Helpers: The Religious Identity of the Followers of Wyclif.” Biller and Dobson 141-62. “The King’s Government and the Fall of Pecock, 1457-58.” , was one of Wyclif’s scholarly disciples. Catto summarizes several of the anonymous texts which comment on Wyclif’s teachings on universals.] —. This study shows that a) in their explanation of what it means for a proposition to be true, Burley and Wyclif both develop what we could call a theory of intentionality in order to explain the relation that must obtain between the human mind and the truth-makers, and b) that their explanations reach back to Augustine, more precisely to his theory of ocular vision as exposed in the 49 (2011): 258-74. Focusing primarily on the writings of the English Dominican Robert Holkot, this paper explores a central transformation in fourteenth-century Eucharistic discourse. [Nisbet’s glosses show how a lay reader in the early to mid-sixteenth century negotiated between different versions of the New Testament.] Dove, Mary. Modern scholars, largely content to accept this claim, have struggled to identify exclusively Lollard elements in the manuscripts. For Wyclif, the Law of Christ calls upon Christians to conform themselves to the poor and humble Christ of the Gospels. “‘Authorial Intention’ and ‘Literal Sense’ in the Exegetical Theories of Richard Fitzralph and John Wyclif: An Essay in the Medieval Theories of Biblical Hermeneutics.” . To “locate Langland more precisely on the intellectual map of his day,” Minnis compares his use of Trajan to John Wyclif’s, especially “in relation to Wyclif’s unusual version of the . The question is deeply connected to whether women can preach, and therefore to the status of languages in which the Word might be preached.] —. [Minnis considers the theology of Brut’s arguments on women priests (recorded in Bp. He traces the echoes of Chaucer’s texts throughout contemporary philosophical and theological texts, including Wycliffite writings, concerned with truth and verifiability, women priests, sin, sexuality, and the sacraments.] —. as Critic of Wycliffite Exegesis.” , of Wyclif’s belief that “present-day religion is full of human institutions and traditions which have no Biblical precedent—and therefore they should be removed” (45), which argued that religious orders should also be removed. In this way, Lollardy becomes a space for proof of Kempe’s authority and orthodoxy.] Moser, Otto. [This is about Westminster School MS 3; it discusses the composition of the various booklets in the manuscript, revising earlier arguments by Hanna and others, to conclude that it was compiled in a secular context.] Mozley, J. Dividing work on sermons into “sermon,” “preacher,” and “society,” Muessig’s historiographical paper discusses how historians use sermons, investigate the diversity of preachers, and have developed studies which examine sermons as sources for intellectual and moral life in the middle ages.] Muir, Lawrence. Lollardy and Wyclif figure at several places in Staley’s argument, notably in her chapter on “Inheritances and Translations,” in how the heresy and Wyclif’s and other Lollard writings are used and rewritten during Richard’s reign.] Stanbury, Sarah.”Visualizing.” . “Walter Brut’s Theology of the Sacrament of the Altar.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 115-126. As Aers puts it, these “nominalizations can bestow an apparent solidity, an obviousness, on what they refer to, distracting us from the networks of interaction from which these terms are, in a sense, abstractions” (viii); later, he points out that, “a text could draw on traditional resources in a manner that went against the grain of recent and emergent orthodoxy, in ritual practice and theology, without being judged as heretical” (ix). “Lollard Trials and Inquisitorial Discourse.” Given-Wilson 81-94. First staged as early as 1376, the plays were performed annually until the late 1500s and involved as much as a tenth of the city in multiple performances at a dozen or more locations. “Shaping the Mixed Life: Thomas Arundel’s Reformation.” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 94-108. [Abstract: ” Regarding marriage, John Wyclif defends the following position: strictly speaking, no words or any kind of sensory signs would be needed, since the consensus of the spouses together with God’s approbation would suffice for the accomplishment of marriage. [According to the abstract, D’Alton’s article “charts the brief re-emergence of William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, as the main driving force, arguing that the lord chancellor, Sir Thomas More, did not assert control over heresy policy until late 1531. [A seminal study, though some of her claims, notably the authorship of tracts in her Appendices, have been disproven; note especially Hudson’s essay “The Debate on Bible Translation, Oxford 1401,” below. While earlier theologians, like Aquinas and Bonaventure, had interpreted the sensory paradoxes associated with Eucharist as sacred mysteries pointing towards hidden truths, later writers, beginning with Holkot, tended to treat them as clear examples of divine deception. This essay reexamines the problem of defining heterodoxy in the English Psalter by focusing less on the putative sources of interpolated passages than on how features of Rolle’s original text-notably its emphasis on personal confession and its ambivalence about clerical authority-made it susceptible to both Lollard theology and ecclesiastical scrutiny. While he never rejected the possibility of a just war in principle, he believed that it was all but impossible in practice. “John Wyclif and the Primitive Papacy.” 38.2 (2007): 159-90. Trefnant’s Register and in four that appear in BL, MS Harley 31) in the light of Wyclif’s doctrine of dominion and its implication that the clerical hierarchy and righteousness do not coincide, but that righteousness was the only true authority.] —. “Tobit’s Dog and the Dangers of Literalism: William Woodford O. Minnis focuses on the second determination, which “offers a of Wyclif’s view that every truth which is conducive to salvation is to be found in the Bible” (45). [“One of the most striking [of Wyclif’s ideas about the sacraments] is that ‘consent of love’ alone is sufficient for matrimony. “Untersuchungen über die Sprache John Bale’s.” Dissertation. “The Influence of the Rolle and Wyclifite Psalters upon the Psalter of the Authorized Version.” 98.3 (Summer, 2001): 315-39. Two key chapters in the book for the study of Wycliffite texts are chs. [Arnold argues that, “on the basis of some lexical and manuscript analysis, that there is a greater influence of continental inquisitorial discourse on English heresy prosecutions than has been previously recognized. [According to the abstract, “this dissertation recovers Shakespeare’s Sir John Falstaff as a politically radical character, linked to Jack Cade and the plebian revolutionaries of 2 Henry VI , and to 16th-century radical-egalitarian movements including Anabaptism and the “Family of Love.” Working from the earliest texts dealing with Sir John Oldcastle, Falstaff’s historical precedent, this work explores the radical potential of reform beginning with the work of the late-14th-century Oxford theologian John Wyclif. Introducing a radical new understanding of these plays as ‘sacramental theater,’ Beckwith shows how organizing the plays served as a political mechanism for regulating labor, and how theater and sacrament combined in them to do important theological work. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. Warham’s policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Her appendices alone are included on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. “Vernacular Books in England in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” 91 (1921): 59-77. “The Significance of the Lollard Bible: The Ethel M. Wyclif’s deepest reasons for rejecting orthodox Eucharist theology really only begin to make sense against this broader background of theological debate.] Despres, Denise. The author concludes that, while manuscript variation undoubtedly raised suspicion, the “heresy” of the English Psalter should also be seen as the product of historical change, as an ambitious vernacular text collided with a church hierarchy that was increasingly aware of the need of-and difficulty in-controlling any authoritative religious text in English.] Gwynn, A. [“In this paper, the process of the merger [between religious and secular authority to defeat the social threat of Lollardy] will be examined through: an analysis of Lollard doctrine and the resultatnt activities that held inherent social implications; the allegations made by the movement’s enemies that created fear in the secular community that Lollardy was a threat to social regulation and harmony; and the resultant legislative changes which finally categorised Lollardy as subversion.”] Hague, Dyson. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one’s neighbor.] —. According to Levy’s abstract for this article, “John Wyclif envisioned an ideal church that could be created in his own day, based on the model of the earliest apostolic community depicted in the New Testament. “Acts of Vagrancy: The C Version ‘Autobiography’ and the Statute of 1388.” Justice and Kerby-Fulton 208-317. Minnis describes several responses by Woodforde to this. [Ng argues that “what is most significant in this history [of the Reformation] is the continuity from the late medieval to the early modern period of the subversiveness of translation, when possession of the vernacular scripture could condemn one as a heretic and vernacular writings other than scripture were perceived as dangerous, always potentially heretical. This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority.